The election of Abraham Lincoln as president in 1860 initiated a heated debate throughout the South about what Republican control of the federal government would mean for the slaveholding states. During the secession crisis of the winter of 1860-61, Southerners spoke out and wrote prolifically on the subject, publishing their views in pamphlets that circulated widely. These tracts constituted a regional propaganda war in which Southerners vigorously debated how best to react to political developments on the national level. In this valuable reference work, Jon Wakelyn has collected twenty representative examples of this long-overlooked literature. Although the pamphlets reflect deep differences of opinion over what Lincoln's intentions were and how the South should respond, all indicate the centrality of slavery to the Southern way of life and reflect a pervasive fear of racial unrest. More generally, the pamphlets reveal a wealth of information about the South's political thought and self-identity at a defining moment in American history. The twenty items included here represent the views of leaders and opinion makers throughout the slaveholding states and are fully annotated. An additional sixty-five pamphlets are listed and briefly described in an appendix. Originally published in 1996. A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

This book discusses ... the physical integration of the railroad network in the latter half of the nineteenth century.

On May 3, 1861, Illinois Governor Richard Yates appointed a Mexican War veteran with Democratic sympathies and southern ties to be chief mustering officer at Camp Yates in Springfield. And so began Ulysses S. Grant’s reluctantly revived military career. Over the next three years, Grant would have a chance to display a myriad of talents few suspected, including a remarkable penchant for organization, decided skill at written communication and a quick understanding of military potential. By March 1864, Grant had risen to lieutenant general, a rank last held by George Washington. This biography details the three years which saw Ulysses S. Grant’s extraordinary rise from mediocre shop clerk to general-in-chief of the U.S. Army. Beginning with Grant’s work at his family’s leather shop in Galena, Illinois, it records his re-entry into a military life as a volunteer from Illinois. Grant’s most spectacular campaigns, including Vicksburg and Chattanooga, are discussed in depth. Special emphasis is placed on events such as politicking, rumors, and intrigue which took place between the various battles. Other topics include Grant’s personal qualities and background, his extraordinary good fortune and the general’s informal and unorthodox command style. The work is indexed.

Alexandria and Northern Virginia were the first areas to feel the fury of the Civil War. The New York Herald war correspondent observed, "Many hamlets and towns have been destroyed during the war, Alexandria has most suffered. It has been in the uninterrupted possession of the Federals. . . . Alexandria is filled with ruined people; they walk as strangers through their ancient streets, and their property is no longer theirs to possess. . . . these things ensued, as the natural results of civil war; and one's sympathies were everywhere enlisted for the poor, the exiled, and the bereaved." This book graphically portrays the scenes of war and occupation.

Time has been very good to Thomas Weber's Northern Railroads in the Civil War, 1861-1865. First published by Columbia University Press in 1952, it has been out of print since the 1970s, but never out of demand. It has emerged as the premier account of the impact of the railroads on the American Civil War and vice versa. Not only did the railroads materially help the north to victory through movement of troops and materiel, but the war materially changed the way railroads were built, run, financed, and organized in the crucial years following the war. We are still waiting (9/1/98) for the reviews to come from the author's files. "Thomas Weber's study of northern railroads during the Civil War remains the obvious treatment of an important topic. His analysis rests on solid research and leaves no doubt that the North's excellent use of railroads contributed significantly to Union victory." --Gary W. Gallagher (shortened) "Thomas Weber's . . . analysis rests on solid research and leaves no doubt that the North's excellent use of railroads contributed significantly to Union victory." --Gary W. Gallagher

The story of the Presbyterian activities in connection with the Civil War and Reconstruction is important not only for its own sake, but also for the opportunity it affords of studying a cross-section of the American public in its relation to the great problems of the time.

American Mobbing, 1828-1861: Toward Civil War is a comprehensive history of mob violence related to sectional issues in antebellum America. David Grimsted argues that, though the issue of slavery provoked riots in both the North and the South, the riots produced two different reactions from authorities. In the South, riots against suspected abolitionists and slave insurrectionists were widely tolerated as a means of quelling anti-slavery sentiment. In the North, both pro-slavery riots attacking abolitionists and anti-slavery riots in support of fugitive slaves provoked reluctant but often effective riot suppression. Hundreds died in riots in both regions, but in the North, most deaths were caused by authorities, while in the South more than 90 percent of deaths were caused by the mobs themselves. These two divergent systems of violence led to two distinct public responses. In the South, widespread rioting quelled public and private questioning of slavery; in the North, the milder, more controlled riots generally encouraged sympathy for the anti-slavery movement. Grimsted demonstrates that in these two distinct reactions to mob violence, we can see major origins of the social split that infiltrated politics and political rioting and that ultimately led to the Civil War.

Chronicles the revolution of ideas that preceded--and led to--the start of the Civil War, looking at a diverse cast of characters and the actions of citizens throughout the country in their efforts to move beyond compromise and end slavery. Reprint.